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Sudan Research, Analysis, and Advocacy

by Eric Reeves

The oil regions of Southern Sudan: acclerating genocide, April 17, 2002

24 December 2004 | Early Analyses and Advocacy | Author: ereeves | 1595 words

The New York Times today reviews a new book that depicts all too

persuasively American failure to respond to genocide. Of Samantha

Power’s study (“‘A Problem from Hell’: America and the Age of

Genocide”), the Times reviewer writes: “time and again (Power recounts)

although the United States had the knowledge and the means to stop

genocide abroad, it has not acted. Worse, it has made a resolute

commitment to not acting.” In fact, in the case of southern Sudan the

US is less culpable than European nations, Canada, and the rest of the

international community. But as very recent and highly authoritative

reports from the southern oil regions make terribly clear, genocide is

demonstrably occurring, indeed accelerating. There are tens of

thousands of new victims. Without clear and decisive pressure on the

Khartoum regime, and a commitment to forgo oil development pending a

just peace, the genocide will continue.

Eric Reeves [April 17, 2002]

Smith College

Northampton, MA 01063

413-585-3326

ereeves@smith.edu

The Khartoum regime of the National Islamic Front has decided that the

nascent push for a renewed peace process for Sudan, and the after-glow

of the achievements of the Danforth mission, provide the perfect cover

for an acceleration of racial and ethnic “cleansing” of the oil regions.

Convinced also that the world’s attention is again drifting from

Sudan’s agony, the regime has stepped up attacks like that reported

at Bieh this past February. The UN’s World Food Program reported at the

time that two of Khartoum’s helicopter gunships were involved in the

attack on Bieh, an attack that saw heavy machine-gun fire and

rockets—from extremely close range—directed into thousands of women

and children gathered to receive emergency food aid. Workers for the

World Food Program were eyewitnesses.

Most of the new attacks have not had international witnesses because

Khartoum has dramatically increased the number of areas to which it is

denying all humanitarian relief flights. Dismayed by the outrage and

publicity that burst out briefly following the Bieh attack, Khartoum

decided that the best way to insure that there would be no future

reporting of such incidents was to deny access to the international

relief organizations that might bear witness to future atrocities.

Thus for both March and April, Khartoum’s National Islamic Front regime

has almost doubled the areas to which relief flights are denied access

(see “UN Protests Against Humanitarian Flight Denials,” UN Integrated

Regional Information Networks, April 8, 2002). These denials are

especially concentrated in the oil regions of Western Upper Nile,

including of course Bieh. As a World Food Program press release very

recently noted, this has had the effect of bringing the number of

civilians denied humanitarian relief to 1.7 million (see “Sudanese

Government denies humanitarian access to 1.7 million people in southern

Sudan,” Press Release, [UN] World Food Programme, April 5, 2002). Many of these people are in critical need and will die without humanitarian

intervention.

Just how dire the need is has been made clear in an assessment report

issued last week by Christian Aid (UK) and DanChurchAid. Entitled

“Hiding Between the Streams,” the report is based on a four-day

assessment mission to the center of the oil regions (full report

available upon request). Though dangerous, such assessment is the only

way in which the realities on the ground can be reported with

appropriate authority. The report was issued on April 11, 2002, and

makes abundantly clear just how many human beings are being destroyed, displaced, and put at acute risk because of Khartoum’s oil field

clearances.

In short, the evidence presented offers a compelling picture—in “real

time”—of massive and accelerating human displacement and destruction

directly tied to oil development:

“The Government of Sudan is deliberately targeting civilian

populations, resulting in the displacement of the majority of Rubkona

County—maybe as many as 75,000 people []. The Government is using

the same scorched earth tactics already witnessed in [oil concession]

Blocks 1 and 2, Ruweng County, in the area of the Unity and Heglig

oilfields.”

“All this is done because of the oil. Rubkona County sits on large

reserves of oil that Lundin Oil Company of Sweden has the concession to

exploit. Lundin have been unable to operate in the past months because

the area has been ‘insecure.'”

The Christian Aid/DanChurchAid report was also informed by data and

intelligence from other humanitarian organizations, working both within

and outside of the UN aid consortium Operation Lifeline Sudan. These

reports all comported with one another:

“All reports highlighted that people were on the move because of the

increased Government of Sudan activity and that these attacks had

intensified from the occasional Antonov aerial bombardment to the use of

far more threatening helicopter gunships supporting ground

forces—including horsemen militia. This deliberate targeting of

civilians to clear the area was pervasive over large parts of Rubkona

County especially (also coinciding with what is known as Block 5A oil

concession) and was leading to people fleeing in various directions.”

What are the particular features of the genocidal assault on the

primarily Nuer and Dinka peoples who are being disposed of in order to

“secure” the oil regions for Lundin Petroleum of Sweden, Talisman Energy

of Canada, OMV of Austria, Petronas of Malysia, and China National

Petroleum Corp.? Here are some first-hand observations from aid workers

with immense experience in southern Sudan. They derive from an

assessment mission that took place March 28-31, 2002 in Western Upper

Nile Province, with a particular focus on Rubkona County (this again is

where the Block 5a oil concession lies):

“The majority of displaced gave horrific accounts of bombardments and

gunship attacks. Many interviewed were chased and shot at by the

horsemen. All too many of those interviewed spoke quietly of relatives,

even their own little children, being killed in front of them. There

has been a systematic and wholesale abuse of human rights against its

own civilians by the Government of Sudan despite the many overtures made by government officials to the U.S. Special Envoy, former Senator

Danforth.”

“Many have been killed by high-altitude aerial bombardments. More

pernicious and cruel, as well as terrifying, has been the

intensification of gunship attacks on civilians. These attacks are

usually supported by militia and mounted horsemen. This makes for a

deadly cocktail of destruction. Not only are people terrorised, their

homes are burned to the ground, crops are destroyed and possessions are looted. Women have been abducted, probably raped, and children have been abducted. No one knows if they are dead or alive. Others have died along the long trek to safety.”

Again, this is part of a report based on first-hand information, by

seasoned observers of the humanitarian crisis in southern Sudan:

“It should be said though that the assessment team has significant

experience in Sudan over many years (one of the expatriate team members has over 20 years in the region) and the conservative estimates of numbers below are tempered and based around their knowledge and

understanding of the context garnered over this period of time.”

The authority of their findings is simply beyond dispute, and gives us

an opportunity to hear the voices of those perishing amidst the

genocidal destruction of southern Sudan:

“What follows are the findings of this short assessment trip and

represents the stories from the displaced people themselves. These are

the voices of the newly dispossessed, the latest thousands forcibly

chased from their homes with little or nothing through the ongoing

efforts of the Government of Sudan to enable oil companies to exploit

what has been called the ‘blood oil’ of Sudan.”

To date, the world has refused to hear these voices with clarity, to

hear them with sustained concern. The international community has been

content to offer what humanitarian assistance is possible, but without

resolving to end the war that makes this assistance so imperative.

Given the compelling geographical account of the Christian

Aid/DanChurchAid report, and the many other human rights reports

reaching the same conclusions, it is no longer possible to believe that

this callousness can be separated from the promise of oil development

and the lure of Khartoum’s increasingly abundant petrodollars.

Certainly if we look beyond the roster of corporations and countries

directly involved in oil development, there is another and longer roster

of corporations and countries that are eagerly signing lucrative

oil-funded contracts with the National Islamic Front regime, even as

that regime is guilty of genocide in its ongoing destruction of the Nuer

and Dinka peoples of the oil regions.

This roster includes countries like Germany (Siemens), the UK (Weir

Pumps of Glasgow, Rolls Royce), France (Alstom SA, and TotalFinaElf

controls the largest concession area in southern Sudan), Poland (H.

Cegielski S. A. of Poznan), Russia (Tatneft/Slavneft investments in oil

development in northern Sudan, military sales to the National Islamic

Front, including helicopter gunships and MiG-29s), various Arab nations,

Iran, Malaysia (many investments besides the deep complicity of Petronas

in oil production and development), China (again, many large commercial

investments with the Khartoum regime).

The phrases of excuse for commercial and economic relations with the

Khartoum regime—“constructive engagement,” “critical dialogue”—are

empty gestures in the face of the genocidal realities that are occurring

daily in southern Sudan’s oil regions. And these realities are all too

clear: the Nuer, Dinka and other southern peoples are being destroyed

because of who they are: non-Arab, non-Islamicized human obstacles to

further oil development.

Until the international community, including the United States,

responds with an urgency fully commensurate with these genocidal

realities, yet again so fully and recently documented, then we will not

be able to say that we have made real progress in dealing with this

“problem from hell.”

About the Author

cer1 Eric Reeves has been writing about greater Sudan for the past twenty-three years. His work is here organized chronologically, and includes all electronic and other publications since the signing of the historic Machakos Protocol (July 2002), which guaranteed South Sudan the right to a self- determination referendum. There are links to a number of Reeves’ formal publications in newspapers, news magazines, academic journals, and human rights publications, as well as to the texts of his Congressional testimony and a complete list of publications, testimony, and academic presentations.
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