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Sudan Research, Analysis, and Advocacy

by Eric Reeves

The nature of Talisman Energy’s commitment to the regime in Khartoum, April 8, 2002

24 December 2004 | Early Analyses and Advocacy | Author: ereeves | 1009 words

Talisman Energy recently reiterated its commitment to stay in Sudan

(UPI, April 3, 2002). Further evidence of this commitment is Talisman’s recent recourse to European debt markets, an effort to avoid dealing with the intense North American controversy attaching to its Sudan investment (National Post, April 6, 2002). What this means is that Talisman is reaffirming its partnership with the National Islamic Front

regime in Khartoum. It is reaffirming its commitment to a regime now

denying humanitarian relief to 1.7 million needy human beings in southern Sudan, a great many of them in oil concession areas. Talisman is willing to accept, in the interests of its “security,” further helicopter gunship attacks like that at Bieh, where thousands of innocent women and children were fired upon as they awaited relief from the UN’s World Food Program. And Talisman is expressing its willingness to countenance Khartoum’s recently announced commitment to open training camps for a terrorist “jihad” against Israel (BBC Monitoring of Khartoum television, April 6, 2002).

Eric Reeves [April 8, 2002]

Smith College

Northampton, MA 01063

413-585-3326

ereeves@smith.edu

Talisman has long declared that it is a force for “good” in Sudan, part

of a process of “constructive engagement,” bringing to bear “Western

concerns” for human rights. All of this absurdly disingenuous corporate

boilerplate—including Talisman’s just issued Corporate Social

Responsibility Report for 2001—is utterly belied by present circumstances in Sudan.

The UN Special Rapporteur for Sudan, Gerhart Baum, declared in June of

last year that “The [human rights] situation now is worse than one year

before” (AP June 27, 2001). Baum noted in particular that, “whole

villages are being razed and villagers forcibly evicted to allow for oil

operations to proceed unimpeded” (AP, April 27, 2001). In the most

recent full report to the UN (January 23, 2002), Baum declares

unambiguously that “oil has seriously exacerbated the conflict while

deteriorating the overall situation of human rights.”

This finding comports precisely with the conclusions of Amnesty

International, the assessment mission of the Canadian Foreign Ministry,

Human Rights Watch, Christian Aid (UK), the Gagnon/Ryle report (October

2001)—and of course the reports of the previous UN Special Rapporteurs

for Sudan, Gaspar Biro and Leonardo Franco.

Further, the UN’s World Food Program reported three days ago that 1.7

million human beings are now being denied emergency humanitarian relief by the Khartoum regime (UN World Food Program press release, April 5, 2002). There is a tremendous concentration of humanitarian flight bans in the oil regions of Western Upper Nile and areas contiguous to the oil concession areas. Thousands of people from these already intensely

distressed populations—many of them displaced by oil development—will perish.

And an April 6, 2002 report from the BBC World Service makes clear that

Khartoum has most certainly not given up its state support for

terrorism:

“Sudanese state television quoted the commander of the paramilitary

Popular Defence Force, Major General Ahmed Abbas, as saying the

[military training] camps had been set up under a directive from

President Omar Hassan al-Bashir. The commander said the camps were ready to receive any number of volunteers, and he called on all sectors of the Sudanese population to join what he called the holy war [“jihad”]

against Israel.”

This is not, of course, the first time that the regime has used the

word “jihad” to describe its military ambitions. On the contrary, a

“jihad” against the non-Muslim people of southern Sudan has been

repeatedly declared. For example, on October 4, 2002, Agence

France-Presse quoted First Vice President Ali Osman Taha (almost

certainly the most powerful political figure in Khartoum) as saying:

“‘The jihad is our way and we will not abandon it and will keep its

banner high,’ First Vice-President Ali Osman Taha was quoted by SUNA news agency as saying to a brigade of mujahiden fighters who were heading for the war front. ‘We will never sell out our faith and will never betray the oath to our martyrs,’ said Taha, adding that Islam was ‘an absolute justice.'”

But the present “jihad” is directed into the midst of the already

inflamed situation in the Middle East. Agence France-Presse (April 7,

2002) also reports on the terrorist ambitions of the

government-supported PDF:

“Sudan’s government-backed militia, the Popular Defence Forces (PDF),

issued a nationwide appeal Sunday for volunteers to report to training

camps and prepare for ‘holy war’ against Israel. The PDF said it has

opened training camps throughout Sudan to receive and prepare the

‘mujahedin for the Palestinian cause and for freeing the Aqsa mosque

(in Jerusalem) from Zionist filth.'”

This is nothing short of a declaration of support for terrorism as

Khartoum’s contribution to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.

In its latest Corporate Social Responsibility Report (April 2002),

Talisman declares that “the appropriate moral response is to stay [in

Sudan] and use our corporate resources in a broad and responsible manner to encourage peace, provide economic opportunities and support the communities in the areas in which we operate.”

This surreal blather seems to be about oil extraction in some entirely

fictional country, afflicted with none of the terrible realities that

actually define Sudan. In fact, as numerous recent news reports, UN

reports, and authoritative human rights reports have made indisputably

clear, what Talisman Energy has really done in Sudan is to ally itself

with:

[1] brutal , ongoing scorched-earth warfare serving as “security” for

its oil operations; these include savagely destructive helicopter

gunship attacks on civilians throughout the oil concessions areas, as

well other forms of aerial and ground assault;

[2] a regime in Khartoum that is presently denying all humanitarian

relief aid to 1.7 million people in southern Sudan, a great many of then

in or from Talisman’s oil concession areas; Talisman for its part is

sending hundreds of millions of dollars in oil revenues to this same

regime, helping to convince Khartoum that there is no international

price to be paid for failing to negotiate a just peace;

[3] Khartoum’s renewed commitment to terrorism training, which will

take place in camps once used by Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda; the camps will now to be put to service in recruiting terrorists to enter into the

exploding Israeli/Palestinian conflict.

This is what Talisman Energy is really committed to.

About the Author

cer1 Eric Reeves has been writing about greater Sudan for the past twenty-three years. His work is here organized chronologically, and includes all electronic and other publications since the signing of the historic Machakos Protocol (July 2002), which guaranteed South Sudan the right to a self- determination referendum. There are links to a number of Reeves’ formal publications in newspapers, news magazines, academic journals, and human rights publications, as well as to the texts of his Congressional testimony and a complete list of publications, testimony, and academic presentations.
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